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Mar 4, 2019 - Principles for AI: Towards a Humanistic Approach? ... Executive Director, Secretariat of the High-Level Panel on Digital Cooperation, is India's ...
Jul 11, 2019 - India has big plans for AI, but more needs to be done in the area of ... had announced that the Union Government had envisaged a National AI ...
... A view from India. Amandeep Gill, PhD. Member, Task Force on AI for India's Economic Transformation ... Current state of the field: International and National.
As an Indian Foreign Service officer, served abroad at the Indian Missions in ... In 2017, helped set up the National Task Force on Artificial Intelligence for India's ...
May 16, 2018 - Uploaded by ITU
Interview with Amandeep Singh Gill, Permanent Representative of India to the Conference on Disarmament ...
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Amandeep Singh Gill is Executive Director and co-Lead of the High-Level Panel ... set up the National Task Force on Artificial Intelligence for India's Economic.
by AS Gill - 2019 - Related articles
Jun 7, 2019 - Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw ... top competitors in comprehensive national strength today—but also among a larger group of AI players, including Canada, France, Germany, India, Israel, Japan, .... 5 Amandeep S. Gill, introduction to Perspectives on Lethal ...
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intermission The Economist Previews India 2020
intermission The Economist Previews India 2020
India’s Founding Moment. By Madhav Khosla. To be published in February by Harvard University Press; 240 pages; $45 and £36.95.
Revolutionary Constitutions. By Bruce Ackerman. Belknap Press; 472 pages; $35 and £28.95.
I Am the People. By Partha Chatterjee. Columbia University Press; 208 pages; $25 and £22.
RAJMOHAN GANDHI was a teenager when newly independent India adopted its constitution at the end of 1949. “It was a sacred thing, our common religion,” he says on the document’s 70th anniversary. Now a historian and based in Illinois, he sips milky chai as he recalls how the republic’s secular-minded founders sought to forge a modern, democratic country.
British imperialists had ruled India by dividing their subjects into groups, notably of Hindus and Muslims. They let only a tiny, moneyed elite take part in politics. The drafters of the constitution wanted radical change. Its 395 provisions ended up decreeing equal rights for all individuals. All adults, some 160m men and women, could vote; untouchability was abolished; rights to private property, free speech and belief (among others) were enshrined. The courts were to be independent.
Many had doubts about this project. Could a giant democracy with so many diverse and poor people really hold together? Most of its voters were illiterate. Trauma lingered from the bloody partition of Muslim-majority Pakistan in 1947. India’s incorporation of its princely states had also been painful. Moreover, none of those vaunted liberal ideas was rooted in traditional society. Bhimrao Ambedkar, the chief drafter of the constitution, said bluntly that he despised life in the villages—where most people lived—as a “sink of localism, a den of ignorance, narrow-mindedness and communalism”.
The biggest threat to the new order was posed by extremists who claimed to speak for the Hindu majority (then some 85% of India’s population, now 80%). The likes of Nathuram Godse, a zealot who shot dead Mr Gandhi’s grandfather, Mohandas Gandhi, called the republic’s leaders sell-outs, soft on Pakistan and needlessly concerned with the interests of non-Hindus. “India must be a Hindu land, reserved for Hindus,” wrote Vinayak Savarkar, who coined the term “Hindutva” for the politics of promoting Hindu interests above all.
Such figures hated the constitution’s special treatment of Muslim-majority Kashmir, which was given semi-autonomy. Extreme Hindu groups, notably the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), wanted nothing secular in the document. There were “very strong cries for a Hindu state”, Mr Gandhi remembers. “That Indian leaders said ‘No, it will be a secular state’—it was a wonderful thing,” he says with a smile. Jawaharlal Nehru, the prime minister, rejected religious rivalry as “a medieval conception which has no place in the modern world”.
Seventy years on, how healthy is India’s liberal order? In his forthcoming, tightly argued book, “India’s Founding Moment”, Madhav Khosla captures the pressures on those who wrote the constitution, many of which persist today. He marvels at the “inexplicable survival” of constitutional democracy, while worrying about its future in India and beyond.
Mr Khosla thinks the constitution’s endurance derived from the popular legitimacy earned by those universal rights, and from widespread trust in the rule of law. In his book on constitutions around the world, Bruce Ackerman says it helped greatly that strong, charismatic Indian leaders showed restraint by respecting the law themselves. Crucially, Nehru deferred to the authority of the courts and the constitutional process. His daughter, Indira Gandhi, did so much less; in Pakistan, those in power have rarely felt so obliged.
It is unclear how long all this will last. Narendra Modi, an unabashed Hindu nationalist and for much of his life an ardent activist in the RSS (others are pictured on the previous page), has been dominant as prime minister since 2014. He is undoubtedly popular, was handily re-elected to a second five-year term in May, and has shown himself ready to smash old norms. He has celebrated Savarkar as a national hero. Parliamentarians in his ruling party even praise Godse, the assassin of Gandhi.
They had a dream
Mr Modi has undermined the constitution that Mr Khosla celebrates. In August he scrapped Article 370, ending Kashmir’s autonomy, while suspending democratic rights there, detaining political leaders without trial and imposing military rule. The rest of India, including the Supreme Court, offered barely a squeak of protest. That episode suggests “democracy is failing”, as majoritarianism supplants the principle of protecting individual rights, reckons Pratap Bhanu Mehta, another expert on the constitution.
Partha Chatterjee’s book on populism in India offers a similar warning. He notes how elected populists, especially in regional governments, have long distributed jobs and handouts to voters. More invidious, he says, is the rise of “ideological” populists, who whip up the majority religious group against the rest. He counts Mr Modi among them, saying he pushes a “homogenised culture of Hinduness”, spreading Hindi nationally (to the dismay of speakers of Tamil, Bengali, English and other tongues) while vilifying Muslims as “deviant”. For his part, Mr Gandhi thinks India’s current rulers consider the constitution to be packed with “foreign”—ie, secular—ideas.
Are they exaggerating? Not really. The more leaders talk about group interests rather than individual rights, the more reason there is to fear that the law may not be applied equally to all. For Muslims, especially, there are creeping reasons to worry. Violent communal attacks are on the rise. Court judgments can seem biased.
A symbolic case is in Ayodhya, a disputed holy site where a mob of Hindu extremists demolished a mosque in 1992, sparking lethal riots. For years courts had refused to grant either Muslims or Hindus exclusive claim to it, but in November the Supreme Court ruled that, after all, the land would be handed over for a Hindu temple. Meanwhile a government-sponsored bill, now in parliament, seeks to amend the law on citizenship. It would explicitly make religious status a condition for nationality, letting Hindus (and members of some other faiths) who flee from nearby countries become Indians—but not Muslims (see article).
Such ugly developments should sound an alarm. If Mr Khosla is correct, respect for individual rights and a liberal democratic order have helped keep India stable. Undermining them, and reverting to religious divide-and-rule, will not serve it well. Ambedkar, who dreamed that a democratic constitution would gradually make society more tolerant, would be downcast today. ■
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Jun 17, 2018 - A gathering momentum on AI in India can now be observed at various levels. ... think-tank NITI Aayog, titled National Strategy for Artificial Intelligence. .... year by former Goldman Sachs executive Amardeep Sibia, is one such.
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View Amandeep Singh Kalsi's profile on LinkedIn, the world's largest professional community. Amandeep ... Vice President- Head of Analytics Operations, AI Strategy and Platform. Gurgaon ... Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad.
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Nov 13, 2017 - Recent advances in artificial intelligence (AI) are throwing up a new ... Each level in this chain of subsidiarity — international humanitarian law, national regulations
Jump to India - B. NITI Aayog Discussion Paper on a National AI Strategy ... Ambassador Amandeep Singh Gill of India was chair of both the 2017 and ...
Amandeep Gill is currently Chair of the Group of Governmental Experts of the ... He is a fellow of Indian National Academy of Engineering and National Academy
Aug 27, 2018 - Amandeep Gill has the task of shepherding 125 UN member states through ... Gill has to corral national delegations — diplomats, lawyers, and military ... he was also a member of India's Artificial Intelligence Task Force. Gill is ...
AMANDEEP GILL. Project Lead, International Digital Health & AI Research Collaborative, former Executive Director, UNSG's High-Level Panel on Digital ...
Hindustan Times (Gurugram) - 2019-02-02 - Intern Budget 2019 - Amandeep Shukla ... A National Centre on Artificial Intelligence that will, with other top research bodies, seek ... The Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and Indian Institutes of ...
Apr 17, 2019 - In an interview with BW Businessworld, Amandeep Singh, Head – Defence, Ashok ... skills, technology, national security and creation of jobs, , Amandeep Singh, defence. ... India has one of the largest Armed Forces and is also unfortunately ... AI has the potential to make manufacturing more productive.
Sep 22, 2019 - India government's departments such as education, housing and the defence (
May 18, 2018 - Amandeep Singh Gill, Permanent Representative of India to the Conference on ... Learnings on AI through Exchange of National Experiences.
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Mar 3, 2019 - AI is also transforming the automobile manufacturing industry. ... some regulatory oversight, maybe at the national and international level, just to ... Says Indian diplomat Amandeep Singh Gill, the executive director of the panel, ...
Jul 12, 2018 - Amandeep Singh Gill (India), Executive Director, Secretariat of the ..... helped set up the National Task Force on Artificial Intelligence for India's ...
Artificial Intelligence in Military Operations: Technology and Ethics Indian Perspective ..... held from 13-17 Nov 2017, chaired by Ambassador Amandeep Gill of India. ... China's leaders have labelled AI research as a national priority, and there ...
Mar 6, 2019 - The Union Budget 2019 in India also reinforced and emphasized the importance of artificial intelligence, with a national AI platform being ...
Apr 10, 2018 - In a 6-part recommendation, the AI Task Force have pin-pointed several ... Kamakoti Veezhinathan from Indian Institute of Technology, Madras (Chennai), ... Ministry of Electronics & IT; Amandeep Gill, Ambassador/PR to CD, Geneva ... They had recommended that the funds be used to push the National ...
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... USA Valentyna Savkova Taras Shevchenko, National University of Kyiv, ... Iran Chapter 91 ArtificialNeuralNetworksandOtherAIApplicationsforBusiness ... 2087 Anand Parey, Indian Institute of Technology Indore, India Amandeep Singh ...
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Sep 16, 2019 - India is emblematic of this with a huge population, huge scope for growth and ... There has been a trend – especially with China's 'National Sword' policy ... Amandeep Shihn, Willis Towers Watson – Impact investing is about creating ..... Automation and AI continue to transform processes and there are more ...
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